Thursday, October 16, 2008

Pinakamayayamang 40

Napag-usapan natin sa klase ang hinggil sa iba't ibang uring panlipunan sa Pilipinas. Nakalista sa ibaba ang pinakamayayamang 40 Pilipino. Pansinin ang uring pinanggagalingan nila.

(hinugot mula sa Forbes website)

1. Henry Sy
$4 billion
82. Married. 6 children.

Philippines' leading retailer opened his biggest mall yet in May on Manila's waterfront. Now on verge of becoming nation's second-largest banker, once merger with his Banco de Oro and Equitable PCI is finalized ( Click here for story).

2. Lucio Tan
$2.3 billion
72. Married. 6 children.

The Filipino-Chinese magnate made his fortune from a variety of sources, including tobacco and beer. Also owns Philippine Airlines. With Hong Kong property portfolio, cashed in on booming Asian real estate market.

3. Jaime Augusto Zobel de Ayala
$2 billion
72. Married. 7 children.

Patriarch (otcbb: PRRH.OB - news - people ) of Ayala Corp., Philippines' oldest conglomerate, founded in 1834. Interests in real estate, water, telecom. Officially retired in April, though sons Jaime Jr. and Fernando have run daily operations for the past decade.

4. Eduardo Cojuangco
$840 million
71. Married. 4 children.

Known as "Danding." Shares of San Miguel Corp., the food and beverage group he chairs, briefly suspended in November, after alleged inflation of sales figures of its Coca-Cola (nyse: KO - news - people ) Bottlers. Company denies allegations.

5. George Ty
$830 million
74. Married. 5 children.

Founder and chairman of Metrobank, one of the Philippines' largest financial institutions with branches in Asia, U.S. and Europe. Known to wear suit and tie to office every day. May soon relax a bit: founder handed over chairmanship earlier this year.

6. John Gokongwei Jr.
$700 million
80. Married. 6 children.

Lived on street at age 13 after wealthy father died. Peddled thread, soap, candles during World War II. Later founded JG Summit, a conglomerate with telecom, property, food, airline and textiles interests, that is celebrating fiftieth anniversary this year. Chairman emeritus, leaves daily operations to son Lance, who is president.

7. Tony Tan Caktiong
$575 million
53. Married. 3 children.

Got start with 2 ice cream parlors; soon switched to hamburgers. Today his fast-food group Jollibee, which he still runs, has almost 1,500 locations operating under 6 brands. Also 167 restaurants abroad, including 100-plus in China. Plans to open locations on U.S.' East Coast and in Las Vegas, and to enter India next year.

8. Andrew Tan
$480 million
57. Married. 4 children.

Chairs Megaworld Corp., large real estate company known for its Manila complexes that integrate office, residential and commercial units. Now developing technology parks. Just broke ground on a new Marriott hotel in Newport City.

9. Emilio Yap
$350 million
81. Married.

Controls Manila Bulletin, one of the nation's oldest and largest dailies. Hands-on chairman reportedly approves story lineups. Has investment in historic Manila Hotel. Son Enrique helps run the business.

10. Oscar Lopez
$315 million
Harvard grad heads family holding company Lopez Inc., which has controlling stake in ABS-CBN Broadcasting Corp., founded by late father, Eugenio. Now nation's largest media group, run by late brother's son, Eugenio III. Group also has interests in power generation, construction.

11. Enrique Razon Jr.
$285 million
46. Married. 2 children.

Chairs International Container Terminal Services, which family cofounded in 1987. Group operates 9 port terminals, including 4 in the Philippines and 1 each in Brazil, Poland, Japan, Indonesia, Madagascar. In July won concession to operate terminal in Syria.

12. Andrew Gotianun
$280 million
78. Married. 4 children.

Founded consumer finance group Filinvest 1955; eventually moved into property. Remains chairman emeritus of Filinvest Development; son Jonathan chairman; daughter Lourdes Josephine G. Yap president.

13. Enrique Aboitiz
$275 million
84. Married. 7 children.

Heads family conglomerate with interests in 60 companies in banking, food, logistics. Runs nation's largest private network of ferries and buses.

14. Alfonso Yuchengco
$225 million

Father, Enrique, set up insurance group 1930s. Alfonso took over 1946, diversified into banking, construction, education. Empire now reportedly includes 40 mostly private companies. Yuchengco served as ambassador to China and Japan. In February announced that eldest daughter, Helen Yuchengco Dee, would succeed him.

15. Menardo Jimenez
$210 million

With 2 partners, took control of GMA Network, founded by an American war correspondent, in 1970s. Overhauled media group, adding local programming to stable of overseas programs. Now country's second largest. Former GMA chief executive sits on board of Cojuangco's San Miguel.

15. Gilberto Duavit Jr.
$210 million

Executive vice president and chief operating officer of GMA Network. He and family own 35% of group, expected to finally go public next year.

17. Ramon del Rosario Jr.
$205 million
62. Married. 4 children.

Chief executive of Philippine Investment-Management (Phinma), cofounded by his father. Served for one year as nation's secretary of finance. Known as RRR (Ramon R. del Rosario), this Harvard M.B.A. was recently elected chairman of the prominent Makati Business Club. Has big interest in education, pushing Phinma into investing in colleges. Also chairs board of advisers of the Ramon V. del Rosario, Sr. Center for Corporate Responsibility.

18. Felipe Gozon
$180 million

Part of triumvirate that took over GMA Network in the 1970s. Remains chairman and chief executive of GMA, which has 46 VHF stations and 26 radio stations.

19. Beatrice Campos
$160 million
Widowed. 5 children.

Low-profile widow of Jose Campos, who died in May. He was one of the cofounders of United Laboratories (Unilab), nation's largest pharmaceuticals maker. Secretive group is one of nation's largest private firms.

20. Luis J.L. Virata
$150 million

Investment banker made headlines in 1999 when he briefly stepped in as chief executive of then nearly bankrupt Philippine Airlines, replacing Lucio Tan. His family is now a major shareholder in Nickel Asia, the Philippines' largest nickel producer. Company's plans to go public this fall were reportedly canceled because of poor pricing.

21. David M. Consunji
$145 million
85. Married. 8 children.

Started out making chicken coops in 1954; eventually grew business into one of the largest construction firms. Chairs DMCI group, which has built such landmarks as the Manila Doctor's Hospital and Manila Hotel. Son Isidro is chief executive, daughter Edwina treasurer. Group's coal subsidiary, Semirara Mining Corp., is nation's largest.

21. Bienvenido R. Tantoco Sr.
$140 million

From Cartier to Tiffany (nyse: TIF - news - people ), the Tantocos bring life's luxuries to Filipinos through their Rustan retail empire. Tantoco Sr., who has served as Philippine ambassador to the Vatican, chairs the group, which has interests in malls and supermarkets; son Bienvenido R. Tantoco Jr. is president.

23. Betty Ang
$115 million

President of privately held Monde Nissin, maker of instant noodles, biscuits and snack foods, founded in 1979. Brands include Lucky Me!, Monde and Bingo.

24. Manuel Villar
$110 million

Son of a shrimp vendor, grew up in a Manila slum. Started off with a couple of trucks to haul gravel to construction sites. Big break in 1983 when market crashed: bought up large numbers of abandoned projects on the cheap. Today his C&P Homes is a leading developer, specializing in affordable housing. Currently a senator in the national congress.

25. Mariano Tan
$100 million

Opened a small drugstore in Manila in 1945; helped transform it into Unilab, which makes more than 300 types of medicine. Tan and 4 relatives still hold large stake.

26. Rolando & Rosalinda Hortaleza
$90 million

Newlyweds started personal-care business in 1985 with $240, operating out of 270-square-foot apartment. Big break came two years later when they introduced a popular, affordable hair spray. Today he is chief executive and chairman of their company, Splash, which has $56 million in sales from such items as shampoo, hand lotion and massage oil. Bestselling brands include Extraderm and Skin White. Rosalinda is chairwoman and chief executive of subsidiary HBC chain of retail stores.

27. Oscar Hilado
$85 million
69. Married. 3 children.

Chairman of Phinma. Was Smith Mundt/Fulbright scholar at Harvard Business School. Said to be an eternal optimist who enjoys picnics.

28. Vivian Que Azcona
$80 million

Her father sold drugs from a pushcart, eventually opening a store in 1945 and pioneering many services such as selling drugs in small doses, known as "tingi tingi," that were more affordable to the masses. Family's Mercury Drug, which Que Azcona now runs, is country's largest drugstore chain with 500 locations.

29. Manuel Zamora
$75 million

Chairman and cofounder of Nickel Asia, Philippines' largest nickel producer, formed in early 2006 to consolidate ownership of several related companies. Plans to take group public this fall were shelved. A lawyer by training, also director of Philippine companies Philex Mining Corp. and CLSA Exchange Capital.

30. Magdaleno Albarracin Jr.
$73 million
70. Married. 1 child.

Nicknamed "Mag," known as a cement-industry pioneer. Remains chairman emeritus of Philippine Cement Manufacturers Association. Chief executive of Holcim Philippines, a joint venture between Phinma and Holcim of Germany, and vice chairman of Phinma. Got M.B.A. from Harvard Business School. Avid tennis player.

31. Jesus Tambunting
$70 million
69. Married. 4 children.

His family known for chain of pawnshops, but this Tambunting has no connection to that business. Instead, he took control of Planters Development Bank, the nation's biggest private lender to small and midsize companies. Briefly listed before being taken private again during the Asian crisis. Bank recently launched private equity fund with British-Norwegian joint venture to invest in small and midsize companies. Tambunting, who shares fortune with siblings, served as Philippines ambassador to the U.K. and still likes to use the title "Ambassador."

32. Frederick Dy
$65 million
51. Married. 3 children.

Took control of Security Bank (nasdaq: SBKC - news - people ), founded 55 years ago, in early 1989; listed it in 1995. Largest individual shareholder, benefiting from recent run-up in its stock.

33. Tomas Alcantara
$60 million
60. Single.

Father, Conrado, got start, according to lore, with $100, a jeep and a typewriter. Today Tomas is chairman of the family's listed holding company, Alsons, named reportedly for Alcantra and sons, with interests in power, property and distribution. Shares fortune with several relatives. Has an interest in art and M.B.A. from New York City's Columbia University.

34. Lourdes Montinola
$50 million

Father, Niconar Reyes, founded Far Eastern University 1928. Lourdes served as sixth president from 1970 to 1989; now head of the board of trustees. Also its largest shareholder.

35. Salvador Zamora
$45 million

Brother of Manuel (No. 29), Salvador is chief executive and cofounder of Nickel Asia, which has interests in 6 mines. President of its subsidiaries, Taganito Mining Corp., Hinatuan Mining Corp. HMC and Cagdianao Mining Corp. since 1980, 1987 and 1997, respectively. Also chief executive of Montreal Entertainment (Phils.) Inc., a private entertainment company, and director of Baguio Leisure Corp., a resort and hotel operator.

36. Antonio Roxas
$40 million

Family founded one of nation's first sugar mills 1927. Today Roxas chairman emeritus of Roxas Holdings, nation's largest producer of raw sugar and second-largest refiner of raw sugar.

37. Wilfred Steven Uytengsu Sr.
$38 million

79. Married. 3 children.

Chairs Alaska Milk Corp., which was founded as a partnership between a Dutch milk company and his General Milling Corp. in 1972. Now the nation's leading provider of milk. Son Wilfred Jr. is now group's president. AMC recently gained rights to distribute Kellogg (nyse: K - news - people )'s cereal products, helping diversify its business and boost profits in the latest quarter. Firm also owns the Alaska Aces, a contender in the Philippines Basketball Association league.

38. Philip T. Ang
$35 million

Vice chairman of Taganito Mining Corp. and a business associate of Zamora family, holds stake in Nickel Asia.

39. Marixi Prieto
$30 million
66. Married. 5 children.

Family is majority owner of Philippine Daily Inquirer. Newspaper claims to have 2.7 million readers, up from 30,000 when it was founded in 1985, partly to provide an alternative to that era's 3 government-owned papers. Marixi is chairman; daughter Alexandra Prieto-Romualdez is chief executive.

40. Manuel Pangilinan
$25 million
60. Single.

Expatriate is chief executive of Hong Kong's First Pacific Company Ltd. (other-otc: FPAFF.PK - news - people ), which owns major stakes in Philippine Long Distance Telephone (nyse: PHI - news - people ) and Indonesian noodlemaker Indofood, controlled by Indonesia's wealthy Salim family. Loves badminton; well-known tournament named after him.

Thursday, October 9, 2008

The Comprador Big Bourgeoisie

The comprador big bourgeoisie is the most dominant class in Philippine society and has replaced the landlord class as the no. 1 exploiting class.

“The comprador big bourgeoisie is a class which directly serves the capitalists of the imperialist countries and is nurtured by them; countless ties link it closely with the feudal forces in the countryside. However, different sections of the comprador big bourgeoisie owe allegiance to different imperialist powers… It becomes possible for the sections of the comprador class which serve other imperialist groupings to join the current anti-imperialist front to a certain extent and for a certain period.” (Zedong, 1975)

The interaction between U.S. monopoly capitalism and the Philippine economy since the beginning of the 20th century has resulted in a semifeudal economy, with the land–based comprador big bourgeoisie serving as the chief trading and financial agent of foreign monopoly capitalism and acting as the most powerful exploiting class. The Philippine financial system, including private and public financial institutions, has basically a commercial character under the domestic control of the comprador big bourgeoisie and is different from the imperialist financial system, characterized by the merger of bank and industrial capital under the monopoly bourgeoisie.

One of the most famous comprador big bourgeoisie in the country is Coca-Cola Bottlers, Inc. It is a multinational organization (by The Coca-Cola Company) and plays a major role in the fast moving consumer goods industry.

Coca-Cola is a well-known manufacturer of beverages and refreshments. They have energy drinks, juices, soft drinks, sport drinks, tea and coffee, water and many others.

And for our analysis, we chose this ad:

To help us fully understand and analyze the meanings behind the ad, these are the questions to be answered:

1. What size and symbols do we find? What role did they play in the ad’s impact?
>> We see a big bottle of the coke and a mysterious man. The soda is big relative to the ad itself since it is the product being advertised. The mysterious man was used in order to imply whether a person is rich or poor. But it becomes ambiguous because of the mystery identity of the man itself.

2. If there are figures ( men, women, children, animals) what are they like? What can be said about their facial expressions, poses, hairstyles, age, sex, hair color, ethnicity, education, occupation, relationships (of one to the other)?
>> A man with a mysterious personality is the figure used for this advertisement addressing to all classes of people. It is telling people that it is made available to all.

3. What does the background tell us? Where is the advertisement taking place? And what significance does this background have?
>> Red and black are the main colors used in the advertisement. Red is known to symbolize the company (red and white) and black is used to emphasize or to give a ‘dramatic’ impact to the ad.

4. What action is taking place in the advertisement and what significance does it have? (this might be described as the ad’s “plot.”)
>> A mysterious man trying to get a bottle of coca-cola can make the general audience feel his thirst and make them crave to drink the product too. The advertisement aims to tempt and provoke the public into buying the product.

5. What theme or themes do we find in the advertisement? What is it about? (the plot of an advertisement may involve a man and a woman drinking but the theme might be jealousy faithlessness, ambition, passion, etc.)
>> The theme is if you haven’t tasted it yet, you missed half of your life. The sentences “Gusto mo 'no?” and “BOTE nga sayo” implies that if you haven’t tasted the product (because it is promotional), it is a very big loss (iniinggit).

6. What about the language used? Does it essentially provide information or does it try to generate some kind of emotional response? Or both? What techniques are used by the copyrighter: humor, alliteration, definitions of life, comparison and sexual innuendo and so on?
>> The language used is Filipino. It is humorous in a sense that “bote” was used instead of “buti” which have totally different meanings in Tagalog.

7. What is the item being advertised? And what role does it play in Philippine culture and society?
>> Coca-Cola -- the leading softdrink brand in the Philippines.

8. What about aesthetic decisions? If the advertisement is a photograph, what kind of shot is it? What significance do longshots, medium shots, and closeup shots have? What about the lighting, use of color and the angle of the shot?
>> We don't really consider it as a photograph. It's just an ad. Only a few colors were used, mainly, black, red and white. Red and white are used since this is the official colors of Coca-Cola. Black enhances the overall impact of the advertisement itself. It also eye catching, compared to a white background. A large figure of the coke bottle makes it more evident, since this is the product being advertised.

9. What sociological, political, economic, or cultural attitudes are indirectly reflected in the advertisement? An advertisement maybe about a pair of blue jeans, but it might indirectly reflect such matters as sexism, alienation, stereotyped thinking, conformism, generational conflict, loneliness, elitism, and so on.
>> We see no trace of sexism, since again the figure used is ambiguous. It can be a man or a woman, rich or poor. It eliminates discrimation among races and classes. Economic wise, the product advertised seems affordable, again because the figure used can be rich or poor, therefore had no economic discrimination. It is also evident that colonial mentality is still present in our society, since import goods are preferred over local goods (e.g. coke over RC cola).

Based from the discussions above,we could clearly see how powerful this class (comprador big bourgeoisie) is. They can afford to have these kinds of advertisements that can deceive people by using different advertising strategies.

For their use of language, obviously they pretty much have a broad knowledge on this matter. Be it English, Filipino, Mandarin, Spanish, etc., this class knows when, where and how to use a certain language. They know how to play language, deceive and convince people.


1) Zedong, M. (1975). On the Correct Handling of the Contradictions Among the People. Maoist International Movement Journal. Vol. 2, p. 320.
2) Berger, A. How to Analyze an Advertisement. Retrieved September 20, 2008, from Center for Media Literacy Web site:
3) (2004). Science and Technology in the Philippines. Retrieved October 3, 2008, from Web site:

Roberto Katigbak
Patricia Michaela C. Flores
Karina Mae Lardizabal
Pamela Tolentino
Gabriel Francisco S. Sanchez
WF 1:00 - 2:30

Wednesday, October 8, 2008

Middle/National Bourgeoisie
- Businessmen who are interested in nationalist industrialization
- Capitalist relations of production in our country
- Interested in merging small enterprises into giant industries, citing Japan as a model
- Has a dual character :
· Oppressed by imperialism and has to compete with multi-national corporations but is also dependent on landlord class for loans and business connections
· Complains about graft and corruption but is also eager to join the ranks of capitalists
· Is against imperialism and feudalism but is also an advocate of the establishment of a capitalist state under class dictatorship
- Has potential to take part in the revolution

Examples of National Bourgeoisies:
Jollibee Food Corp.
Julie’s Bakeshop, Inc.
Zesto Corp.
Lamoiyan Corp. (Hapee Toothpaste)

Background of Lamoiyan Corporation
In 1977, Cecilio Pedro founded Aluminum Containers, Inc. and it quickly established itself as the major supplier of aluminum collapsible toothpaste tubes to multinational corporations Colgate-Palmolive and Unilever. But in 1985, a major change in the toothpaste industry occurred when plastic laminated tubes replaced the original aluminum packaging. But Pedro did not close down. Instead, he tried to look for a new business that could still make use of his equipment. With a small capital, he sent two local technicians to Japan to undergo training in toothpaste production. In 1987, he opened Lamoiyan Corp., more commonly known as the makers of Hapee toothpaste. Designed to suit the local taste, priced 30% less than the leading brands, and endorsed effectively, Hapee assumed its position as the No.3 toothpaste brand in the Philippines. Now, Hapee is even exported to Asia, Australia and the Middle East, and is widely known for being a locally-made world-class product.

Analysis of Hapee Toothpaste Commercials

We have seen many faces in Hapee Toothpaste Commercials. Kristine Hermosa and Angel Locsin were once endorsers of the product. But when Lamoiyan started exploring the possibility of exporting to foreign markets, they also started to bank on their product as something that is “world-class”, and this is something they tried to reinforce in their commercials.

A notable example of this is when they got Jasmine Trias as an endorser. Trias was a Fil-Am fresh from American Idol stardom who had a grand homecoming back then. The commercial showed her being toured around the best spots in the country. She sees the Hapee toothpaste and her aunt tells her that it is something we, Filipinos, could also be proud of. After she brushes, the voice over refers to her smile as a world-class smile. Then she says, “Mmmm sarap. Because I’m Filipino, I’m always Happee!”

The next commercial is of renowned theatre actress, Lea Salonga. It starts with colorful and bright animations of the different roles she played in Broadway and West End, until it ends with her role as a wife and mother. Then she says “Lahat ng ito nagawa ko ng nakangiti. Kahit ano pa, kahit saan pa, I have a Hapee smile.” Then the voice over goes “For a world-class artist is a world-class toothpaste”. Then Lea comes in dressed in a baro’t saya, embraces a globe and says “Ipinagmamalaki ko ang Hapee at ang mga Pinoy na tumatangkilik nito,” then places the globe before her, and the camera zooms in on the Philippine islands.

There is also a radio ad of Sarah Geronimo. She says she came straight from her 2007 European Concert Tour and that the climate was very cold over there. But we could also experience that coolness here in the Philippines if we use Hapee Toothgels. She ends with the slogan of “Hapee. Gawang Pinoy para sa buong mundo.”

The unifying factor in all three commercials is that they got Filipino female endorsers who have made it in the international scene. They obviously want to draw the parallelism between these world-class women and their world-class product. But aside from going with whichever world-class celebrity is big at the moment, we have observed a trend. We think that the more they position their product as something that is world-class, the less it appeals to the local market of the masses. And so they try to move over to the more nationalistic side of the spectrum to regain their consumers.

There are many factors that heavily affect what we perceive from a commercial: the people they hire as endorsers, the language they use, their taglines and the other images you see in the commercial. Jasmine’s commercial was mostly in English, which is understandable because she grew up in U.S. and so she’s more comfortable speaking that. Lea’s was in impeccable Filipino. But if you’ve seen Lea in most of her interviews, she uses English almost every time. That’s probably because she’s often based abroad whenever she has a long-running show to do. And if you will listen closely to her in the commercial, her slang shows through. We get the point that they are nationalistic in a sense that they bring pride to the Filipino people, and that in order to easily keep up with the international scene, one has to be a practised English speaker. But if the endorsed product’s only leverage against its multi-national rivals is that it is a local product and their multi-national rivals are doing a better job than they are at levelling with the Filipino masses, then their English taglines, “world-class” statements and English-speaking endorsers make the product appear too “foreign” for a local product and too “burgis” for the target market.

That is why we think they chose to go on a little different direction with Sarah Geronimo. Even though Sarah is world-class, she is also appealing to the masses. But the television ad where she was with polar bears and penguins seemed as if it was still too Western for the local market. What was better though is that in the radio ad, the slogan, which was in Filipino, gave as much importance to the product being local as it was world-class.

The best decision we think they made was when they got Marian Rivera to endorse their product. She is very appealing to the Filipino masses and she speaks our language in a very natural, almost colloquial, way. They downplayed the world-class theme and now revolved around the storyline that Hapee was with you throughout your life, from your awkward childhood days to when you are already in full bloom. The commercial ends with a more encompassing catchphrase of “Hapee para sa lahat.” which we think works better because it makes the Filipino consumers feel that Hapee is first and foremost a product made for Filipinos by Filipinos.

To summarize, the evolution of Hapee Toothpaste Commercial revolved around reconciling the fact that it was a local product and that it was a world-class brand at the same time. The right combination of endorsers and language used in the commercials proved to be a major factor in creating the right impression. As we can see, the national bourgeoisie is really in the middle. It has to compete with the multi-national corporations but somehow it finds itself wanting to assume a place beside its rivals. It is determined to be nationalistically grounded but it can’t help trying to appeal to the foreign market to increase exports. It takes pride in producing a local product but it also aspires to emerge as a successful giant capitalist enterprise in the future.

Sources: NeGOsyo (Joey Concepcion),,
Members: Nerissa Cruz, Camilla Bontogon, Lorraine Chua

Sunday, October 5, 2008

more signs..=)

Kuha ito sa may Divisoria. Mapapansin na kasama sa pagbenta ng produkto ay ang nakakatuwang paglalaro ng salita. Katulad ng nasa picture, Family at ang Meal na naging Famealy.

Kuha rin ito doon at kahit hindi masyadong malinaw, ang nakasulat ay bring: BAIO DATA.

Kosh Kosh Ayos. Nakita ko ito sa Krus na Ligas. Kuskos ayos ang gusto niyang sabihin ngaunit sa palagay ko, dahil ito sa oshkosh na store.

Nauso ang text sa Pilipinas kaya kahit na mga punctuation marks ay nagagamit sa spelling ng mga salita. Katulad nitong Br!ng B!o data.

Mapapansin na nagkamali sa pagprint ang ad na ito. Nakalagay ang STTUFTOYS na dapat ay STUFF Toys.

Sa ad na ito, makikitang iba ang spelling ng sure. Naging SHURE, para na rin sa pagassociate ng produkto sa ginagawa nilang paraan ng pagbebenta at pagpapakilala sa produkto.


wf 8:30-11:00

Friday, October 3, 2008

Isang pagsusuri sa pahayag ng mga Cojuangco tungkol sa Hacienda Luisita

Ulat ng naunang grupo (WF 1:00-2:30PM)

Tungkol sa mga Landlords (may-ari ng lupa)

Hari ng Lupa o landlord. Nakakatawa man ang direktang transleysyon ng salita pero malalim ang pwedeng pakahulugan nito.

HARI=KAPANGYARIHAN. Hawak niya sa leeg ang mga mangagawa niya. Ito ang mga mangagawa na buong buhay ay pinalago ang kaniyang lupain. Gamit ang yaman na nagmula sa kaniyang mga lupain, napapaikot niya sa kaniyang mga kamay ang nais niyang mangyari at isa na rito ay ang paggamit ng dahas para lamang masilbihan ang kaniyang sariling interes. Isa na dito ay ang pag-exploite sa mga tao na sakop niya. Paniningil ng sobra-sobra sa upa, pagkuha ng kanilang parte sa ani na kung mamarapatin ay dapat wala silang parte, at walang pangalandangang paggamit ng labor ng mga mangagawa. At dahil ang kapangyarihan = impluwensya, natatabunan ang kabulukan ng pamamahala nila sa pamamagitan ng paggamit ng impluwensya ng mga organisasyon na malaki ang hatak sa masa-mangagawa. May mga programa din kuno sila - libreng health services, scholarship, pautang at kung anu-ano pang pampaloko. At heto naman ang ating mga kawawang mangagawa, nahulog sa patibong at nagtanim pa ng utang na loob.

Ngunit saan nga ba galing ang yaman? Galing lang naman siya mga kapatid sa humigit kumulang 6,000 ektaryang lupain!

HARI=YAMAN. Dahil sa mala-buwayang pagpapatakbo ng mga landlord sa kanilang hawak na mga lupain ay hindi na dapat tayo magtaka kung bakit ang mga landlord na ito ay siyang may-ari rin ng mga naglalakihang mga establisyemento at kompanya. Isa ito sa mga naging laro nila para hindi maipamigay ang mga lupain na pinagmumulan ng kanilang yaman at kapangyarihan sa mga mangagawa nilang mula pagkasilang ay sila na ang pinagsisilbihan.

The landlord class represents the most backward and reactionary relations of production and hinders the development of the productive forces. It is the main obstacle in the political, economic and cultural development of the Philippines.

Tungkol sa Hacienda Luisita

Ang Hacienda Luisita ay may sakop na 6,000 hektarya ng agrikultural na lupain na mayroong tubo bilang pangunahing produkto. Ito ay pinaliligiran ng tatlong malalaking munisipalidad ng Tarlac. Ito ay ang Lungsod ng Tarlac, Concepcion at La Paz. Ang Hacienda Luisita din ang nagdadala ng titulong "pinakamalaking plantasyon ng tubo sa buong Asya".
Noong 1958, ang Hacienda Luisita ay napunta sa pagmamay-ari't pamamahala ni Jose Cojuanco, Sr. mula sa orihinal na Kastilang may-ari, ang Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas (Tabacalera). Upang matugunan ang mga pangangailangan sa kagamitan sa pagsasaka at patubig, kinakailangan ni Cojuanco ng P10M. Ito ay nakuha niya mula sa isang loan na inaprubahan at ibinigay sa kanya ng Government Service Insurance System (GSIS) alinsunod sa isang kundisyon. Isinasaad ng kasunduang ito na ang lupain ay ipapamahagi sa mga residentang mambubukid at manggagawa pagkatapos ng 10 taon. Sa kabila nito, matapos ang 10 taon, ang pamilya Cojuanco ay hindi sumunod sa mga nasabing kundisyon ng loan. Ito ang nagsimula ng pagsiklab ng alitan sa pagitan ng may-ari ng lupain at ng mga manggagawa nito.

Ang pangunahin at kontrobersyal na usapin rito ay ang reporma sa lupa kung saan ang mga programa nito ay nakapaloob sa proyektong CARP (Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Progam) sa ilalim ng rehimeng Aquino (dating pangulong Corazon Cojuanco-Aquino). Nakasaad sa CARP ang distribusyon ng lupain, hindi kasama ang usapin tungkol sa produksyon, sa mga regular na manggagawang bukid na walang lupain. Ngunit ang mga kasunduang ito ay nabahiran nang mas paburan ang ideya ng Stock Distribution Option (SDO). "We did something different in Luisita. Whereas farmer-beneficiaries have to pay for the land or the stocks they got, the Luisita workers were getting stocks for free. They were also going to be given a percentage of the gross sales. More than 90 percent voted for the stock-option plan, where they become owners. They all realized that to run a sugar plantation, unlike rice farming, requires a lot of capital", banggit ni Aquino tungkol sa desisyon tungkol sa SDO. Sa halip na lupa ang ipamahagi sa mga manggagawang bukid, ipinamahagi sa ilalim ng iskemang SDO ang mga sapi ng korporasyon sa mga manggagawang bukid na "mapanlinlang" na itinuring na kabilang sa mga may-ari ng asyenda dahil kung susumahin ay 30% lamang ng kabuuang pag-aari ng Hacienda Luisita ang napupunta sa kanila at ang natitirang 70% ay nanatili sa kamay ng mga Cojuanco. Sa madaling salita, ang tumataginting na 70% ang napupunta sa iisang pamilya habang ang daan-daang pamilya ang naghahati-hati sa kakarampot at tira-tirang 30%. Isa pa, ang dibidendong napupunta sa mga magsasaka ay nakasalalay sa mga araw na itinatrabaho nila at hindi sa kabuuang tubo ngb korporasyon. Samaktwid, P200 kada taon lamang ang halagang naibibigay sa kanila.

Ayon pa sa isang balita kung saang serye ng mga kilos-protesta ang isinalubong ng mga manggagawang bukid sa hindi makatarungang malawakang tanggalan sa Hacienda Luisita, Inc. (HLI), sinabing nakakatawa ang pagsasampa ng kasong trespassing sa mga manggagawang bukid na kunwari ay mga stockholders ng HLI at kung gayon ay mga may-ari ng kumpanya.
Ang isa pang kinakaharap na problema ng mga manggagawang bukid ay ang napakababang sahod na P90 kada araw na kinikita nila na malayung-malayo sa P280 na legal minimum daily salary sa Gitnang Luzon.

Sources: -;lang=pil;article=04

Sa likod ng pahayag ni Don Pedro Cojuangco

Mula sa napili naming article na sinulat ni Susan Berfield (INSIDE STORY: PROMISED LAND), ito ay isang excerpt mula sa nasabing artikulo na naglalaman ng naging pahayag ni Don Pedro, ang family patriarch: "The people and their problems will always be with us," says Don Pedro, the family patriarch, as we sit on the verandah of the hacienda clubhouse. The Cojuangcos say they couldn't just break up the property and walk away. So they gave the farmers stock in the hacienda instead. The family speaks about its responsibilities to the farmers, the requests for money or more work, the cost of the free medical care the hacienda provides, the training they offer, the factory jobs they are trying to create in a new industrial estate. At Hacienda Luisita and other landholdings large and small, paternalism is a matter of pride.

Batay sa pahayag ni Don Pedro, makikita natin na napaka-defensive ng dating nito at pinapakita nila talaga na kahit hindi nila ibinigay ang napagkasunduan (ayon sa napagkasunduan, ipapamahagi ang lupa pagkaraan ng sampung (10) taon), ginawa naman ng mga Cojuangcos na "stockholders" ang mga magsasaka. Pero may problema pa rin hinggil dito dahil although ginawa na nga silang "stockholders" ng nasabing hacienda, tila ang mga Cojuangcos pa rin ang may hawak at nagpapalakad nito. Useless din at panakip-butas lang yung pagtawag sa farmers na may hawak ng stocks ng hacienda dahil 'di naman magrarally at magrereklamo sila kung totong stockholders sila 'di ba?

At hindi lang iyon ang banat o pambawi na pahayag ng mga Cojuangcos, sinasabi din nila na bukod sa co-owners sila eh may mga benepisyo pa! Kumbaga, pinaparating na dapat matuwa pa at maging kontento ang mga manggagawa dahil hitik sa benepisyo.

Isa pang pahayag hinggil roon ang sinabi ni Rep. Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino III, Jose Cojuangco's grandson and Ninoy's son, na sa Luisita daw, ang Management ay inaalagaan ang kanilang mga workers from "womb to tomb." " 'In times of boom, we shared. In times like this of compounding debts, there must be also some sharing of the burden," he said.' " (Manila, November 12, 2004 - the STAR)

Meanwhile, bakit ba ang hirap para sa kanila na bitiwan ang lupa at 'di tumupad sa napagkasunduan?

Itong pahayag na ito ay hango rin sa isang artikulo sa the STAR entitled, DON PEPE'S HEIRS VOW TO SAVE HACIENDA LUISITA): "... the Cojuangco family is struggling to save the hacienda, not just because of its sentimental value to them, but also because it is a source of livelihood for over 5, 000 workers and home to over 15, 000 people."

Dito, sa tingin ko, pinapalabas pa nila na, ops, 'pag nawala sa kamay nila ang pamamalakad ng hacienda, mawawalan ng trabaho at tahanan ang mga dati nang nagtatrabaho at naninirahan doon. Eh kung binibigay na nila 'yung lupa sa mga karapat dapat na may maymayari noon, edi hindi na sila umaasa sa maliit na sahod lamang at kumikita na ng pangsarili nila.

Ang mga pakahaluguan o hidden implication ng mga Cojuangco

Paternalism style ng mga Cojuangco sa magsasaka

Madalas nating marinig na sinasabi ng mga landlord, lalo na sa statement na aming napili, ang salitang Paternalism. Ang kahulugan nito ay ang relasyon sa pagitan ng ama at ng kanyang anak o di kaya naman ay ang pagkokontrol ng may-ari sa kanilang pangkabuhayan.

Lagi itong sinasabi ng mga landowner. Lagi din na maganda ang pakahulugan nito. Pinapakita nito na maganda ang trato ng landowner na si Don Pedro Cojuangco sa mga magsasaka. Ito ay sa pamamagitan ng mga di mapantayang benepisyo na na nakukuha ng mga magsasaka sa kanila. Ang pag-aalala o concern nila sa mga manggagawa ay ang paternalism na kanilang tinatawag. Pero sa kabila ng magandang pakahulugan ni Don Pedro Cojuangco, may hidden implication ito kung ating susuriin.

Dito pumapasok ang konsepto ng “Patron-Client Network,” ang relasyong politikal ng mga magsasaka at may-ari ng lupa. Base dun sa nakalap na impormasyon ito ay nangangahulugan na, “an exchange relationship or instrumental friendship between 2 individuals of different status.” Ito ay kung saan ang patron ay ang landowner na “uses his own influence and resources to provide for the protection and material welfare of his lower status client and family, who for his part, reciprocates by offering general support and assistance, including personal services, to the patron.” Ito ay isa sa mga sinasabing political discourse among the landowner at marahil sa mga magsasaka, na ang landowner, ayon dun sa kahulugan, ay sinusuportahan ang anumang makakabuti sa kanilang mga trabahador. May nabanggit din na from “womb to tomb” ang kanilang suporta at walang makakahigit sa suporta na binibigay ng mga Cojuangco sa magsasaka.
Ang paternalism na ito ay nagpapakita lamang ng reciprocal relationship. It still carries a built-in inequality. Ang client sa framework (magsasaka) ay oppressed pa rin.
Oo nga kahit ginawang co-owners ng mga Cojuangco ang magsasaka, lumalabas pa rin na ayaw ng mga Cojuangco na ibigay ang karapat-dapt sa kanila. Kapalit nito ginamit nila ang paternalistic style of relationship, co-owner nila ang mga magsasaka at sila pa rin ang pinuno ng nasabing lupain. Pumapasok dito ang isa pang konsepto ng “Bossism.”

Ang bossism ay may kahulugan na, “A sophisticated brigandage- an examination of the complex processes which inequality, indebtedness, landlessness, and poverty are created has highlighted how so-called patrons have- through predatory and heavily coercive forms of primitive accumulation and monopoly rent-capitalism- expropriated the natural and human resources of the archipelago from the broad mass of the production, thereby generating and sustaining the scarcity, insecurity and dependency which underpins their rule as bosses.”

Farmer’s stock (being the stockholders of the Hacienda Luisita)

“So they gave the farmer’s stock instead.”

Nung nakuha ng mga Cojuangco ang Hacienda Luisita noong 1958, ito ay dahil sa government loan, under the condition that the land would be distributed to the farm workers after ten years.
Instead, in 1989, President Cory Aquino implemented a phony agrarian reform program, whereby instead of being given a land, the farm workers became the ‘stockholders’ instead of the Hacienda Luisita, Inc.

Ang ganitong uri ng pamamalakad ay sang-ayon dun sa CARP. Ang isa sa mga may-ari mismo ng lupa ang nagpatupad nito. May pagpipilian ang mga landowner kung ibibigay nila ang mga lupain o gagawin na lamang ang stock distribution option (SDO). Ang nangyari dito ay ang 33% of the shares of the company were given to the farmers and 4,000 hectares of the land was covered by the law. At sinabi din, defensive statement ng mga Cojuangco, na 90% of the farmers voted for the SDO than outright distribution of the land.
Kahit na hati-hatiin pa nila ang mga hacienda, sabi ng mga Cojuangco, less than a hectare lang ang matatanggap ng mga magsasaka. Mas maigi na raw ang ganitong framework kung saan lahat sila ay makikinabang.

Kitang-kita naman kung kanino ang bias ng pagsasabatas mg mga lupain, nasa Cojuangco pa rin. Ang pagiging stockholders ng mga magsasaka ay isa lang sa mas marami pang dahilan kung bakit lumalaki ang isyu ng di paghahati-hati ng mga lupain ng Cojuangco sa mga magsasaka.
Bagkus, ang nabibiktima dito ay ang mga maliliit na landowner na naawa sa mga magsasaka at binibigay ang sa magsasaka ang parteng lupain.
Isa na lamang ito sa napakalaking isyu na ang pagiging exempted ng mga landowner sa outright distribution pag pang-export ang kanilang business. Sino pa ba ang mga nakikinabang? Syempre ang mga nagsisilakihang landowner na kayang kontrolin at paikutin ang batas. Totoo nga na ang Political affair is a family affair.

Sources:;lang=eng;article=08 - 25k -
AsiaNow: Asia Week.

Paano nga ba magsalita ang mga taong kabilang sa upper classmen?

Sa Pilipinas, hindi makakailang ang sagot nito ay, "Madalas, salitang banyaga ang kanilang ginagamit sa pakikipagtalatasan" na hindi naman kaila sa atin. Maaari nating sabihin na ang dahilan nito ay dahil sa likas na ganoon ang nakagisnan nilang pananalita, pero maari pa rin nating itanong, "Bakit ito ang nakagisnan nila?" o sa mas maliwanag na paraan, "Bakit hindi salitang Filipino ang ginamit nila?”

Hindi lingid sa ating kaalaman na ang salitang banyaga(salitang ingles, in particular) ay nakakatanggap ng mataas na respeto. Kapag matatas kang magsalita ng ingles, iisipin ng karamihan na ikaw ay may mataas na pinag-aralan, o di kaya naman ay galing sa mayamang angkan. Isa itong paniniwala na dapat buwagin!

Halimbawa, sa mga panginoong may-lupa o landlords, ang karaniwan nilang ginagamit sa mga interview ay ingles? Bakit nga ba? Kung 75 porsyento naman ng kanilang sinasabi ay patungkol sa mga mahihirap na mas gugustuhing Filipino ang wikang dapat nilang gamitin?
Balik tayo sa nakaraan(rewind), nang tayo ay sakop ng Espana, ang mga prayle ay mas piniling huwag tayong turuan ng salitang espanyol dahil nangangaba silang malaman natin na inaabuso nila ang batas, at mag-alsa ang mga Pilipino.

Balik sa kasalukuyan, maari natin itong ihalintulad sa mga paraan ng mga landlords. Ngunit, hindi lang yan ang dapat maging saklaw ng tanong na ating pinag-uusapan. Pansinin ang isa sa mga statement ni Don Pedro, isang Cojuangco, higgil sa isyu ng Hacienda Luisita : "The people and there problems will always be with us" (Inside Story: Promised Land by Susan Berfield).

Ano ang napansin mo?

Kapansinpansin na ang gustong palabasin ni Don Pedro ay karamay sila sa anumang problemang kinakaharap ng kanilang manggagawa- ang mga paghihirap nila. Ngunit nabanggit na kanina na sila rin mismo ang nagbibigay ng pasakit, o di kaya naman ay kontribusyon, sa paghihirap na 'to.

Philippine politics is a Family Politics

Karamihan sa mga politiko ay magkakamag-anak (Arroyo, Cayetano, Pimentel etc.). Naging motto na nila ang 'sundin ang yapak ng aking mga magulang'. At alam natin na hindi na ito bago sa ating sistema.
May mga bali-balita na kaya pinakasalan ng dating pangulong Ferdinand Marcos Si Imelda Romualdez dahil sa politika. Mapag-aalamang si Imelde noon ay galing sa pamilya ng politiko- si Daniel na pinsan ni Imelda ay House Speaker nang panahong iyon at ang kanyang tiyo ay dating speaker. Sa kasalukuyan, si Imee Marcos na anak nila ay nasa Kongreso.
Noong 1954, pinakasalan ni Benigno Aquino jr. si Corazon Cojuangco, sila ang may pinakamakapangyarihang pamilya sa Tarlac. Dahil sa mga ito, pwede tayong magbigay ng konklusyon na ang kasal ay naging paraan para sa mga pampolitiko nilang ambisyon. Upang lalong mapalakas ang kapit nila sa masa.
Hindi lang sila ang nasasankop sa ganyang uri ng sitwasyon, at kung ang dahilan man nila'y pulitika, sila lang ang tunay na nakakaalam noon.

-Ulat nina:
Abigail “Abby” Villaflor
Patricia “Tricia” dela cruz
Jedieryn “Jed” Jane Moreno
Ria Ison
JM Boquilon
FIL 40 WF (1:00-2:30PM)

Saturday, September 27, 2008

Aktibista nga ba ang Bagong PNP Chief?

Makailang beses ko nang nabasa sa mga dyaryo ang bahagyang pinalalaganap na impormasyon na ang bagong hirang na PNP Chief Jesus Versoza ay dating aktibista sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas. Headline kanina sa dyaryong Philippine Daily Inquirer ang "Activist in the 70s, Now Chief of PNP".

Hindi iilan sa mga naging pinuno ng pamahalaan at maging ng sandatahang lakas ang naging "aktibista" noong nakaraan. Dating student leader sa Kabataang Makabayan si Orly Mercado, na minsang naluklok sa Senado. Dating sumanib sa New People's Army at tumulong pa ngang pagnakawan ng mga armas ang Philippine Military Academy si Col. Victor Corpuz. Ngayon, wala na sa hanay ng mga opisyal ng pamahalaan sina Mercado at Corpuz, pero hindi pa rin nagsasawa ang media na hanapan ng aktibistang nakaraan ang mga naluluklok sa pampublikong posisyon. Bakit nga ba hindi, kung sa palagay nila'y interesting sa mga mambabasa ang maliit na impormasyong iyon. Laluna siguro kung nagpapakito ito ng malaking pagkakaiba gaya ng sa pagiging aktibista at pagiging pulis.

Nakakapagtaka lamang na kung babasahin ang unang mga linya ng nabanggit kong artikulo sa Inquirer, mapapansing mali yata ang headline. lumalabas na iisang rali lang ang napuntahan ni Versoza noong freshman pa lamang siya sa UP. Syempre, walang tiyak na quota sa pag-attend sa rali para maging aktibista. Ang mahalaga'y kung naiintindihan niya kung bakit siya nagrarali. Pero ayon sa kanya, wala raw noong inaalok na alternatibo ang aktibismo. Napaka-interesting ang kaso ni Versoza dahil freshman siya sa UP noong ipataw ang Martial Law sa bansa. Apat na taon na ang Batas Militar nang makatapos siya sa PMA.

Binanggit din sa artikulo na ang tatay ni Versoza, na isa noong Colonel sa militar, ang nagpasok sa kanya sa PMA. Sabi ni Versoza, wala siyang ibang alam sa PMA kundi ang mga paradang ginagawa nito. Sandali lamang, kung isa kang aktibista, o itinuturing mo ang sarili mo bilang aktibista, siguro naman at dapat ay kilala mo ang pangunahing nagtuturo at nagpapalaki ng mga pinuno ng pangunahing pasistang institusyon ng estado!

Si Lenin (Lenin on Language, 1983) ang unang nagpaalala sa mga aktibista na mag-ingat sa paggamit ng wika, at ng mga salita. Hindi lamang dapat basta-basta gamitin ang salitang "commune" halimbawa kung hindi ito produkto ng mahabang proseso ng kontradiksyon sa lipunan at sa sarili (pansinin ang "Diliman Commune"). At kahit naman hindi ka aktibista, napakahalaga ng sapat na pag-intindi sa mga ginagamit na salita. Dating aktibista nga kaya si Versoza kung hindi naman siya naging aktibista?

Friday, September 26, 2008

mga nakakaaliw na "sayns"

Madalas akong lumabas o pumunta sa palengke namin. Kung gaano kadalas ako lumabas ay ganoon din kadalas ako makaita ng mga nakakaaliw na signs o mga pangalan ng tindahan. Siguro isa rin ito sa paraan upang makahatak o makattract ng customer ang isang tindahan. Madalas ko kasi ito nakikita sa mga maraming tao, madalas sa palengke, mall o kung saan lang maraming tao. Nakakakuha nga naman ng attention ito. Minsan nga ay natatawa ako mag-isa sa kalye kapag ako ay nakakakita. Naisip ko rin na minsan ay naimpluwensiya na siguro sa pamamaraan ang pagtext kaya doon nila binase ang pangalan. O kaya naman kung anu ang patok sa masa.
Isang flier sa molave dorm. Katulad sa nasabi ko kanina binatay siya sa pagtext o kung paano ipronunce ang SOSYAL…. XOX@L. akala ko nga noong una ay hugs and kisses yan.

isang panawagan na paalis na lang jeep. Mapapansin din na yung “A” sa aalis ay nakahiwalay.

Dumaan lang sa harap ko yan habang naghihintay ng jeep. Napansin ko lang na mali yung spelling.. hehe

Sa may SM north edsa ko ito nakita. Booth lang siya na nagtitinda ng mga soap. Well, obviously binase ito sa tawag natin sa mga primetime teleserye o “Soap Opera”

Matagal ko na itong nakikita kasi sa may tapat siya ng simbahan. Mayroon pa yang kasunod hindi lang nakuhaan. Yung next stall nakalagay: “BARBERO NATIN II”

Napansin ko lang na madalas din ang mga Pilipino ay binabase na lang nila ang pangalan sa binebenta nila. Katulad ng nasa larawan, nagtitinda ng mga electrical wires at light bulbs.

alam ko na hindi talaga yan ang totoong sign. Vinandal lang naman yan. So ang bagong meaning ay: NO PESO HERE…

Tag sa may bag counter sa may coop yan. Napatingin lang ako tapos ayon nabasa ko siya. Medyo Malabo yung picture pero nakalagay diyan: “F U LOSE / 10 PESOS” kitang-kita ang impluwensiya ng magpapaikli ng mga salita na katulad sa text.
Nakita ko ito malapit sa grand central sa may caloocan. Hindi ko malaman kung hindi lang nila napansin na nakasulat na ang itlog o sadyang sinadya nila. Hindi ko rin naman na tingnan kung puro itlog ang sineserve nila.. =P

Ito naman ay nakita ko sa may old balara malapit lang sa UP. Noong una ko itong nakita hindi ko alam kung ang dinedepict nito ay si Madeleine o dahil ang adjectives natin ay nagisismula sa panlaping ma- tapos dinagdagan nila ng English term ng sarap.

Naaliw lang ako sa sign na to. Sa may vinzon’s lang sa may sakayan ng jeep. Una, kasi nagrhyrhyme siya. Tapos, naiisip ko na siguro nagisip lang sila ng concept na mexicano para tugma sa tacos na binebenta nila

Itong susunod naman ay nagdedescribe lang sa binebenta nila, since nagbebenta sila ng mga fresh seafoods yung hilaw pa, sa may philcoa pala ito.

Malapit sa palengke ko ito nakita. Nahirapan akong kunan yan haha lagi kasing nagmamadali yung sasakyan. Ito talaga yung dati pa ay lagi kong tinitingnan hindi ko alam kung sadyang guilty lang sa selfish term nila at natatawa ako. Yung unang napansin ko talaga eh yung “SELL FISH”. Nilaro lang nila yung word na selfish. Tapos yung bangus republic na term, naalala ko lang yung republic of the Philippines, tapos natanong ko: marami ba talaga tayong bangus?

P.S. kung may Makita pa ako ay idagdag ko pa. pero sa ngayon ay yan na muna. Lugod kong tatanggapin ang inyong mga komento.
Magandang araw!!

~nerissa cruz~
1:00-2:30 WF